In un editoriale sul Washington Post, lo storico e politologo conservatore Robert Kagan ammonisce sugli effetti di una crisi costituzionale americana che, a suo dire, è già in corso. Parte da alcuni assunti di base: Donald Trump sarà l’indiscusso candidato Repubblicano alle elezioni presidenziali del 2024, e il partito Repubblicano si schiererà solidamente dietro di lui, facendo quanto in proprio potere per farlo vincere. L’assunto di partenza è che non è possibile collocare Trump nel classico panorama politico americano

Critics and supporters alike have consistently failed to recognize what a unique figure Trump is in American history. Because his followers share fundamentally conservative views, many see Trump as merely the continuation, and perhaps the logical culmination, of the Reagan Revolution. This is a mistake: Although most Trump supporters are or have become Republicans, they hold a set of beliefs that were not necessarily shared by all Republicans. Some Trump supporters are former Democrats and independents. […]

What makes the Trump movement historically unique is not its passions and paranoias. It is the fact that for millions of Americans, Trump himself is the response to their fears and resentments. This is a stronger bond between leader and followers than anything seen before in U.S. political movements. Although the Founders feared the rise of a king or a Caesar, for two centuries Americans proved relatively immune to unwavering hero-worship of politicians.

Trump sembra anzi aver restituito un nuovo senso di identità a migliaia di persone. E a chi lo vota, più che promettere un programma politico, Trump promette sè stesso.

Because the Trump movement is less about policies than about Trump himself, it has undermined the normal role of American political parties, which is to absorb new political and ideological movements into the mainstream. […] Movements based on ideas and policies can quickly shift their allegiances. Today, the progressives’ flag-bearer might be Sanders, but tomorrow it could be Sen. Elizabeth Warren or Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or someone else. For a movement built around a cult of personality, these adjustments are not possible. For Trump supporters, the “error” is that Trump was cheated out of reelection by what he has told them is an oppressive, communist, Democrat regime.

Kagan individua precise responsabilità nel partito Repubblicano, complice di una manovra a tenaglia che, da un lato, attacca i Democratici come un normale partito d’opposizione, e dall’altra avvalla pratiche ai limiti della legalità (soppressione del voto, ridisegnamento dei distretti, contestazione delle elezioni, forzatura delle prassi politiche) per riacquisire il potere.

The Republican Party today is a zombie party. Its leaders go through the motions of governing in pursuit of traditional Republican goals, wrestling over infrastructure spending and foreign policy, even as real power in the party has leached away to Trump. From the uneasy and sometimes contentious partnership during Trump’s four years in office, the party’s main if not sole purpose today is as the willing enabler of Trump’s efforts to game the electoral system to ensure his return to power.

Le soluzioni che Kagan è un accordo fra democratici e i senatori moderati Repubblicani (capitanati da Mitt Romney), e una serie di misure, per garantire a livello federale alcuni diritti chiave agli elettori.

One wonders whether modern American politicians, in either party, have it in them to make such bold moves, whether they have the insight to see where events are going and the courage to do whatever is necessary to save the democratic system. If that means political suicide for this handful of Republicans, wouldn’t it be better to go out fighting for democracy than to slink off quietly into the night?

Immagine da FreeIMG.